Most years when “our side” loses the election we get the blues for a few days and then figure out how we are going to adjust. This year seems like it is taking longer to get to the “adjustment” period and for sure, this time it is different – we cannot pretend that there will be anything close to business as usual when the new administration takes power on Jan 20. At both the National and State level right wing Republicans have become emboldened to dismantle whatever safety net still exists and create new pathways for the rich to amass even greater fortunes. Horrifically, the wealth aspect of this election pales in the face of the racist, xenophobic, and misogynist sentiments it has engendered. The shock and horror of what we are observing and experiencing can be immobilizing. As a community of social workers we have been through a lot. Depending on our ages, we remember feeling like this at the election of Reagan, Nixon, “W”. There seems to be a consensus that none of these past Presidents were anything like what we are facing now –particularly with the free reign that the majority party in Congress gives the new administration and the new freedom it gives to already reactionary State majorities, especially here in Michigan.
 
Anecdotally, social media, the news and personal experiences tell us that we are among many going through real grief as they cope with this new reality. For days after the election people could not believe this had happened. As the news seemingly gets worse each day it is easy to feel stuck and immobilized, unable to figure out what to do. Social workers are not a group of people who will acquiesce. But how do we move forward in a way that both upholds our commitment to social justice and ensures that we engage in the self-care that will sustain us over the next 4 years?  We can only do that if we come together to do the work that needs to be done now to build towards a future that will put this nightmare behind us.
 
There are many reasons why we are in this position now. The analysis will go on for a long time. We can blame the media, voter suppression, an ineffective campaign, or a myriad of other potential issues. One thing is for sure in Michigan, as in many other states, the gerrymandering that Republicans have done over the years has made it almost impossible for Democrats to get majorities in both State and National congressional districts. This will not change unless there is a either a Democratic majority or a non-partisan commission in place in 2020 when redistricting occurs again.  It is critical for us to be building in Michigan to take back the Governorship and the majority in 2018 for the sake of our State now as well as to build towards 2020. We cannot continue to have policies that only come from one side of the political spectrum. That isn’t good for anybody. This is work that needs to start NOW!
 
As a social work community we need to come together to ensure that our values are shaping the opposition, as we build towards 2018. NASW PACE is our vehicle for supporting and funding campaigns and ballot initiatives (such as the one to stop gerrymandering that is currently being considered) that reflect our values and principles. We need member support for our voice to be heard. We also need you to become active in helping with this campaign over the next few years. This is your chance to help to take care of yourself and your colleagues while building a movement of social workers whose voice will be heard in the next election. WE need to move forward together to shape an agenda where women’s rights, immigrant rights and black lives matter!
 
Contribute to Political Action for Candidate Election (NASW members only)
-Marjorie Ziefert, MPACE Committee Member

Benefits to Hiring Social Workers
Social workers have been battling child maltreatment for more than 100 years, giving them the professional skills for helping vulnerable and dependent children and their families.
Social workers are very unique and are accustomed to challenging jobs.  They typically bring many skills sets and experiences such as the ability to:

• Provide strength-based, family-centered practice
• Work with protective services, family preservation, family foster care, group homes, residential facilities, adoption services, and kinship care services
• Arrange for services  such as counseling, day care, homemaker services, evaluation, treatment, and parenting classes
• Work  with clients from diverse backgrounds through cultural competency
• Work with patients who have been abused, neglected, assaulted or have experienced other trauma
• Provide crisis response help

Benefits of Child Welfare Social Workers
Licensed social workers are better equipped to work within child welfare than their counterparts. According to the NASW member survey, Social workers in child welfare have a longer tenure. Social workers work on average for 9.5 years in child welfare; compared to less than 2 years for other child welfare workers. Social workers have a higher interest in remaining in child welfare, which allows them to become specialists within the field.1
The survey also shows that social workers are more satisfied with their jobs than their counter parts- allowing for better rapport building. Social workers spend less time on paperwork than their counter parts within child welfare. This allows for more time making in home visits and changing the lives of children. Licensed social workers feel safer making home visits alone and are pleased with the frequency and quality of supervision they receive. This is due to the adequate training opportunities that licensed social workers receive, unlike other child welfare workers.

Research on Social Work Efficacy
Research suggests that holding a degree in social work (BSW and MSW) correlates with higher job performance and lower turnover rates among child welfare workers. This shows that social workers provide better outcomes for children and families.2

The overall turnover cost of one worker at a child welfare agency is estimated at 115% of the average annual salary of an individual. The direct costs alone are 45% of an average salary. This means that hiring social workers for child welfare positions saves agencies money, due to longer tenure!3

The U.S. government shows social work efficacy in child welfare by providing federal funding through the Title IV-E Child Welfare Program.  The program was created as part of the Child Welfare and Adoption Assistance Act of 1980 to support training in both foster care and adoption services. For over 35 years, social workers have been the profession that’s most beneficial to our nation’s children.4 Graduates from the Title IV-E program in Wisconsin, stay in child welfare on average for 4 to 5 years, after they complete their payback obligations.5 Research shows that Title IV-E stipend workers had significantly better outcomes than Non-Title IV-E workers in two areas: reunifications within twelve months and finalized adoptions within twenty-four months. The study recommends that CPS agencies hire degreed social workers. 6

A study of social service workers in Kentucky found that staff members with social work degrees were better prepared for their work.  They performed better on competency tests. Their supervisors reported that they were better prepared to handle complex cases, to handle these cases sooner, were less stressed, more confident, and more skilled in work with clients. They were more knowledgeable regarding policy, and more positive about their agencies and their jobs. 7

For more resources on social work and child welfare, visit www.socialworkers.org/practice/children.


1 Whitaker, Tracy, Shelia Reich, La Voyce Brice Reid, Millicent Williams, and Cynthia Woodside. "NASW Child Welfare Report." Social Workers (2004): n. pag. Social Workers. NASW. Web.
2 Ibid.
3 American Public Human Services Association. (2005) Report from the 2004 Child Welfare Workforce Survey. Washington, D.C.
4 "Fact Sheet: Title IV-E Child Welfare Training Program." Social Workers. NASW, Aug. 2004. Web.
5 Child Welfare Training Program Supplies Wisconsin with Qualified Social Workers." School of Social Work: University of Wisconsin-Madison. University of Wisconsin, 9 May 2014. Web.
6 Leung, Patrick and Willis, Nicole (2012) "The Impact of Title IV-E Training on Case Outcomes for Children Serviced by CPS," Journal of Family Strengths: Vol. 12: Iss. 1, Article 9.
7 Barbee, Anita, Dana Sullivan, Kevin Borders, Becky Antle,, Christopher J. Hall, Steve Fox, and Erin Beth Moran. "Evaluation of an Innovative Social Work Education Model: The Kentucky Public Child Welfare Certification Program (PCWCP)." Journal of Social Work Education 45 (2009): 427-44.
 
This article was originally written by the NASW-Wisconsin Chapter

by Mary King, Executive Director, Michigan Council on Crime and Delinquency
 
Raymond spent a lot of time working with, then not working with, his case management team from Community Mental Health.  Over the years he had seen a social worker, psychiatrist, and case manager, and been involved in individual, group and medication therapies. He saw more social workers at the shelter he frequented, at the substance abuse treatment center he was occasionally ordered to attend, and in the juvenile facilities, jails and prisons where he spent most of his life. Many of the professionals he worked with in the community did not have a broad understanding of the justice systems that provided the bulk of Raymond’s “care”, or how this system-involvement continued to threaten his stability.
 
Today, over 44,000 Michigan citizens are incarcerated in prisons operated by the Michigan Department of Corrections, and hundreds of thousands are serving probation or parole sentences in the community. Between 1980 and 2010, Michigan’s prison population grew at 29 times the rate of the state’s total population.
 
There is no greater area of intersectionality than the criminal justice system.  The men and women who serve time in our county’s prisons are disproportionally impoverished, and disproportionally people of color.  The majority of justice-involved youth and adults have medical and/or behavioral health issues.  LGBTQ youth make up 20% of the overall youth in detention—almost three times the estimated percentage of LGBTQ youth in the US. And women are the fastest growing segment of the prison population in the country.  The rate of incarceration for women has been growing nearly twice as fast as that of men since 1985.  Finally, the incarceration of a parent can have a negative impact on a child’s mental health, social behavior and educational prospects.
 
When we began the Michigan Prisoner Reentry Initiative (MPRI) in Washtenaw County, I was amazed to see how many professionals from “other” fields jumped on board.  They had been seeing clients impacted by youth and/or adult justice systems for years, and wanted help understanding how to serve those clients more effectively.  MPRI also provided opportunities to work together more collaboratively, resulting in better outcomes overall.
 
The Michigan Council on Crime and Delinquency is a non-partisan, non-profit organization based in Lansing, MI. Our mission is to improve the effectiveness of policies and systems aimed at the prevention and reduction of crime and delinquency. Since 1956, MCCD has used research, community organizing, training, and technical assistance to improve outcomes for people in conflict with the law, ensure that communities have a voice in justice-related policy discussions, and encourage leaders to use resources effectively.
 
MCCD was the coordinating agency for training professionals involved in prisoner reentry.  Ever since the funding for this training was eliminated back in 2010, there have been no opportunities for social workers to learn about the intersectionality of working with justice-involved clients.  MCCD is starting a training division and we are very interested in hearing from professionals like you about your specific training needs and interests.  We have developed a very brief survey of possible training topics and would appreciate your feedback.
 
https://www.surveymonkey.com/r/MY7PKGB
 
We look forward to helping revitalize common understandings among practitioners working with justice-involved clients in their individual fields of expertise.
 
For additional information about our work, please go to www.miccd.org.

By Shelby T. N. Massingale
 
Shelby Massingale is a youth development professional and MSW student of Interpersonal Practice at the University of Michigan. She is motivated by the empowerment of youth and their families as they gain knowledge and enact socially just change.
 
Jillian Berman said it best in her Market Watch article about student loan debt and racial inequality: “Student loan debt is not an equal opportunity burden.”[i] On average, all students who graduated in 2008 with a bachelor’s degree owed $24,842 yet Black students owed $28,692, the most of all racial groups.[ii] Per the Urban Institute’s research in 2015, student loan debt accounts for 13% of wealth for White students and 149% of wealth for Black students at the median.[iii]
 
Prior to the enactment of the G.I. Bill in 1944, college students were primarily White males from the middle and upper classes, indicating that wealth is the key to accessing higher education. Though the G.I. Bill did not address the structural racism and discrimination against Black veterans as they entered academia, sought loans to purchase homes and pursued employment, this legislation at least made college financially feasible.
 
Even more people were provided opportunities to pay for college through the Higher Education Act (1965), which represents the first financial aid program for college students with federal grants for low-income students and federally insured subsidized loans for middle class students. Considering the ways in which racial discrimination has denied many people of color from accruing wealth over time and limiting their social mobility, the discussion about student loans is inevitably a discussion about race.[iv]
 
On average, White people have five times as much wealth as Black people or 6.7 times as much at the median.[v] Racial discrimination in the labor and housing markets reflect the structural causes of the racial wealth gap in the U.S. Consider Emily, Greg, Lakisha and Jamal as college graduates seeking employment and possessing identical resumes. Emily and Greg, i.e. those with White sounding names receive 50% more callbacks than Jamal and Lakisha.[vi] Additionally, Black men and women earn 22% and 34% less money than White men thereby reducing their opportunities to earn, save, and inherit wealth.[vii] Furthermore, discrimination in the housing market has impeded the accumulation of Black wealth for generations to come by limiting their options to access low-interest home loans and to purchase homes that would appreciate at an equal rate. With the oppressive structures within the housing market and the labor market, Black students must rely upon student loans to access well-resourced and selective institutions that yield higher graduation rates and higher income after graduation.
 
In 2008, President Obama signed the Higher Education Opportunity Act (HEOA) to reboot the Pell Grant Program by allowing students to revive Pell Grants throughout the year and raising the baseline amount to match at least 10% of the maximum award.[viii] The progress of the HEOA is limited by the fact that it does not provide sufficient aid as 84% of graduates who receive Pell Grants still graduate with debt while only 46% of non-Pell Grant recipients graduate with debt. As a means to make up the difference in their financial aid packages, 81% of Black graduates use student loans to pay for college compared to their White colleagues who borrow at a rate of 63%. The implications for Black students, low-income students and students who happen to be both indicate that they are less likely to own homes, have slightly higher interest rates on mortgages and have retirement and liquid assets that are much less than households without student debt.[ix]
 
Just like the 66,000 Asian Americans who survived internment camps during WWII and received $20,000 apiece, Black people too deserve acknowledgment, redress, and closure in regards to slavery. Slavery was $9.2 billion industry in the United States and had enslaved people received wages they would have earned $4 trillion at the current rate of inflation.[x] Post-Civil War policymakers have already established legislation to provide land, i.e. forty acres and a mule, to formerly enslaved males (Freedman’s Bureau Act of 1865 and Southern Homestead Act of 1866). This legislation was loosely enforced if at all and terrorism from racists and Klu Klux Klan members seized or destroyed Black property in the south during the Jim Crow era. Thus, assuming the existing legislation and the current rate of inflation, the US government owes 30 million Black people $400,000 in reparations.
 
Considering the inevitable inauguration of a bigoted and unbalanced administration under Donald Trump, such a policy in the next four years is extremely unlikely. Even President Obama recognized the improbability of such a race specific program during more progressive periods, noting that such programs do not rectify our racially stratified system.[xi] Thus accounting for practicality, inclusive policies that would benefit more people than solely African Americans would garner more bipartisan support. Given the post-racial rhetoric that dominates House and Senate, child development accounts are a part of a race neutral policy which determines eligibility by wealth rather than race.[xii] However, because the United States lacks a national universal child development account program, 97% of American households do not participate in child-focused savings programs. Evidently, race neutrality does not always predict the success of such policies in reaching the populations that would reap the most benefits.[xiii]
 
If the intention is to close the racial wealth gap and the damaging long-term effects for Black students at the individual and community levels, we must directly address racial inequality with direct race-conscious policies. The Association for Black Social Workers must coordinate efforts with the National Association of Social Workers to advocate for reparations policy that includes student loan forgiveness for Black people who already owe and waive tuition fees for those who plan to seek higher education. Higher education is valued in the United States as a means for people to achieve the American Dream. As segregation and racial discrimination continue to create barriers for low-income and wealth-poor students, national policy must acknowledge how the effects of slavery continue widen the racial wealth gap and mark the experiences of Black students.

• [i] Berman, J. (2015, May 23). How student debt is perpetuating racial inequality. Retrieved from MarketWatch: http://www.marketwatch.com/story/how-student-debt-is-perpetuating-racial-inequality-2015-05-19
  
• [ii] Demos. (2013, August 22). Ending the debt-for-diploma system. Retrieved from Demos: http://www.demos.org/publication/ending-debt-diploma-system
  
• [iii] Urban Institute. (2015, February). Nine charts about wealth inequality in America. Retrieved from The Urban Institute: http://apps.urban.org/features/wealth-inequality-charts/
  
• [iv] Goldrick-Rab, S., Kelchen, R., & Houle, J. (2014). The color of student debt: implications of federal loan program reforms for Black students and historically Black colleges and universities. University of Wisconson-Madison. Madison, WI: Wisconson Hope Lab.
  
• [v]   Chiteji, N. (2010, November). The racial wealth gap and the borrowers' dilemma. Journal of Black Studies, 41(2), 351-366.
  
• [vi] Bertrand, M. & Mulainathan, S. (2003). Are Emily and Greg more employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A field experiment on market discrimination. National Bureau of Economic Research.
  
• [vii] Wilson, V., & Rodgers, W. M. (2016). Black-white wage gaps expand with rising wage inequality. Washington DC: Economic Policy Institute.
  
• [viii] American Council on Education. (2008). ACE analysis of Higher Education Act Reauthorization. Division of Government & Public Affairs. Washington D.C.: American Council on Education.
  
• [ix] Huelsman, M. (2015, May 19). The debt divide: The racial and class bias behind the "new normal" of student borrowing. Retrieved from Demos: http://www.demos.org/publication/debt-divide-racial-and-class-bias-behind-new-normal-student-borrowing
  
• [x] Darity, W. (2008, September). Forty acres and a mule in the 21st century. Social Science Quarterly, 89(3), 656-664.
  
• [xi] Coates, T. (2017). My president was black: A history of the first African-American White house – and what came next. Retrieved from The Atlantic: https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2017/01/my-president-was-black/508793/#IV.
  
• [xii] Hamilton, Darrick, and William Darity, Jr. 2010. "Can ‘Baby Bonds’ Eliminate the Racial Wealth Gap in Putative Post-Racial America?" The Review of Black Political Economy 37(3-4):207-16.
  
• [xiii] Shanks, T. (2014). The promise of child development accounts: Current evidence and future directions. Community Investments, 26(2), 12-41.